King Carson An Essay On The Invention Of Leadership

1McGuinness, Frank, Observe the sons of Ulster marching towards the Somme (London, 1986), pp 12, 56.

2Moloney, Ed and Pollak, Andy, Paisley (Dublin, 1986), pp 381–3, 387, 429, 437; Bruce, Steve, God save Ulster (Oxford, 1986), pp 211–13; Allister, James H. and Robinson, Peter, Sir Edward Carson, man of action (Belfast, 1985).

3Lucy, Gordon (ed.), The Ulster Covenant: a pictorial history of the 1912 home rule crisis (Belfast, 1989), p. 4.

4 On charismatic authority see Bruce, God save Ulster, pp 199–200; Willner, Ann Ruth, The spellbinders: charismatic political leadership (London, 1984).

5Stewart, A.T.Q., Edward Carson (Dublin, 1981), pp 4, 20.

6 As he confided to Sir James Comyn, ‘I was born and bred an Irishman and I’ll always be one. The happiest days of my life were in Trinity College Dublin and at the Irish Bar’ (cited in Bew, Paul, ‘The real importance of Sir Roger Casement’ in History Ireland,ii, no. 2 (summer 1994), p. 44); see also Hyde, H.Montgomery, Carson (London, 1987 ed.), pp 17, 50.

8 Cited in McDowell, R.B., ‘Edward Carson’ in O’Brien, Conor Cruise (ed.), The shaping of modern Ireland (London, 1960), p. 87.

10 [Marjoribanks, Edward and] Colvin, Ian, The life of Lord Carson (3 vols, London, 1932-6), ii, 37.

11Stewart, , Carson, pp 101-2; LordBeaverbrook, , Politicians and the war (2 vols, London, 1928-32), ii, 355; Hyde, Carson, pp 2, 413.

12Ramsden, John, The age of Balfour and Baldwin, 1902–1940 (London, 1978), p. 95; Taylor, A.J.P., English history, 1914–1945 (London, 1965), p. 31.

13 Ramsden, Age of Balfour, p. 95; Hyde, Carson, p. 109.

14Colvin, , Carson, ii, 87; Bardon, Jonathan, A history of Ulster (Belfast, 1993), pp 433–4.

15Peel, George, The reign of Sir Edward Carson (London1914), pp 3, 9; SirErvine, John, Sir Edward Carson and the Ulster movement (London, 1915), pp 47, 50; Stewart, Carson, p. 38; Ramsden, Age of Balfour, p. 95.

18Jackson, Alvin, The Ulster party: Irish Unionists in the House of Commons, 1884–1911 (Oxford, 1989), pp 234–5.

19 Ramsden, Age of Balfour, p. 65; Hyde, Carson, pp 294–6.

20 Hyde, Carson, p. 258; Jackson, Ulster party, pp 299–300. McNeill, Ronald, Ulster’s stand for union (London, 1922), pp 39–11.

21Raymond, E.T., Portraits of the new century (London, 1928), pp 304–5; Hyde, Carson, p. 23.

22Beckett, J.C., ‘Carson — Unionist and rebel’ in Confrontations: studies in Irish history (London, 1972), pp 160–70.

23 Carson to Lady Londonderry, n.d., 23 Oct. 1910, 13 Jan., 3 June 1911, n.d., n.d., 13 Aug. 1912, (P.R.O.N.I., Theresa, Lady Londonderry papers, D2846/1/1/55, 59, 60, 62, 82, 87, 88). On this theme see also Hyam, Ronald, Britain‘s imperial century (London, 1976), pp 92–9.

24 Carson to Lady Londonderry, 13 Aug 1912, (P.R.O.N.I., Theresa, Lady Londonderry papers, D2846/1/1/88); Hyde, Carson, pp 327–9.

25 On the devolution scandal see Gailey, Andrew, Ireland and the death of kindness: the experience of constructive Unionism, 1890–1905 (Cork, 1987), pp 235–94.

26 Jackson, Ulster party, chs 5–7.

27Nelson, Sarah, Ulster’s uncertain defenders: Protestant political, paramilitary and community groups and the Northern Ireland conflict (Belfast, 1984), p. 42; Jackson, Ulster party, pp 12, 197–8, 222–32, 239, 312; Foy, Michael T., ‘The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1913–1921’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Queen’s University, Belfast, 1986), p. 238.

28 Jackson, Ulster party, pp 240–41.

29Crozier, Maurna, ‘Good leaders and “decent men”: an Ulster contradiction’ in Hill, Myrtle and Barber, Sarah (ed.), Aspects of Irish studies (Belfast, 1990), pp 75–83; Harris, Rosemary, Prejudice and tolerance in Ulster: a study of neighbours and ‘strangers’ in a border community (Manchester, 1986 ed.), pp 189-90.

30 Colvin, Carson, ii, 116–17, 121.

31 Hyde, Carson, pp 290–91, 315; Colvin, Carson, ii, 85.

32 Colvin, Carson, ii, 142.

33Miller, David, Queen’s rebels: Ulster loyalism in historical perspective (Dublin, 1978), pp 109–17; Jackson, Ulster party, pp 14–15.

34 Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, p. 80; The Times, 13 July, 19 Aug., 26 Sept. 1912; Campbell, John, F. E. Smith (London, 1983), p. 329.

35Earl of Oxford and Asquith, , Memories and reflections, 1858–1927 (2 vols, London, 1928), ii, 194.

36 Hyde, Carson, pp 205, 290–91, 320; Bruce, God save Ulster, pp 216–17; Foy, ‘Ulster Volunteer Force’, p. 184.

37 Colvin, Carson, ii, 405.

38 Ibid., pp 98–100, 138; Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, p. 66.

39 Stewart, Carson, p. 84; Record of the Home Rule Movement, n.d. (P.R.O.N.I., Crawford papers, D1700/5/17).

40 Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, p. 68; Bruce, God save Ulster, pp 213–14; Buckland, Patrick, Irish Unionism I: the Anglo-Irish and the new Ireland, 1885–1922 (Dublin, 1972), p. 18; Vincent, John, The Crawford papers (Manchester, 1984), pp 14–15.

41 Foy, ‘Ulster Volunteer Force’, p. 235; W. B. Spender, ‘Carson — the British statesman’, pt 2, Unionist, Apr. 1954 (copy in P.R.O.N.I., Spender papers, D1295/24).

42Gibbon, Peter, The origins of Ulster Unionism: the formation of popular Protestant politics and ideology in nineteenth-century Ireland (Manchester, 1975), p. 64.

43 Hyde, Carson, p. 286; Jackson, Alvin, ‘Unionist myths, 1912–1985’ in Past & Present, no. 136 (Aug. 1992), pp 169-73; Buckland, Patrick, Irish Unionism 2: Ulster Unionism and the origins of Northern Ireland, 1886–1922 (Dublin, 1973), p. 48.

44 Hyde, Carson, pp 311–12; SirErvine, John, Craigavon, Ulsterman (London, 1949), p. 181; McNeill, Ulster’s stand, p. 110; Lucy (ed.), Ulster Covenant; The Times, 26 Sept. 1912.

45 Jackson, ‘Unionist myths’, p. 172.

46The Times, 29 July 1913; Hyde, Carson, pp 311–12; Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, p. 73; see also James Loughlin, ‘Constructing the political spectacle: Parnell, , the press and the national leadership, 1879–86’ in Boyce, D.G. and O’Day, Alan (eds), Parnell in perspective (London, 1991), pp 221–41.

47Morning Post, 30 Sept. 1912.

48 Hyde, Carson, pp 311–12; Buckland, Irish Unionism 2, p. 57.

49 See Lucy (ed.), Ulster Covenant, frontispiece photograph; McNeill, Ulster’s stand, pp 102–3, 118-26.

50 Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, p. 131; Hyde, Carson, p. 322.

51The Times, 13 July 1912.

52 The phrase is Stewart’s (Carson, p. 81 ); McNeill, Ulster’s stand, pp 48–9, 85-6, 110; Raymond, Portraits, p. 305.

53 Hyde, Carson, pp 241–2; The Times, 20 Sept. 1912.

54 Hyde, Carson, pp 311–12.

55Read, Donald, Peel and the Victorians (Oxford, 1987), ch. 1.

56Orr, Philip, The road to the Somme (Belfast, 1987), p. 29.

57 Ibid., p. 80; memo, n.d. (P.R.O.N.I., Spender papers, D1295/2).

58Ulster Guardian, 2 Aug. 1913.

59 Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, p. 110; Manchester Guardian, 6 Sept. 1913; Morning Post, 29 Sept. 1913.

61 McNeill, Ulster’s stand, pp 102–3; Lucy (ed.), Ulster Covenant, p. ii.

62 Stewart, Carson, p. 91; Hyde, Carson, pp 369, 379–80, 427; Buckland, Patrick (ed.), Irish Unionism, 1885–1923: a documentary history (Belfast, 1973), pp 251–3, 405–8, 419–20, 433; idem, Irish Unionism 2, pp 66–7, 139-42; Headlam, Maurice, Irish remi-nisences (London, 1947), p. 139; Orr, Road to the Somme, pp 38–41, 45, 50, 53-4; Irish Daily Telegraph, 25 Sept. 1913.

63Koss, Stephen, The rise and fall of the political press in Britain (London, 1990 ed.), p. 673. Of course, the actual title ‘King Carson’ was only used by critics as a term of abuse (Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson; H. W. Nevinson, ‘King Carson’ in Manchester Guardian, 26 Sept. 1912).

64Parker, Peter, The old lie: the Great War and the public school ethos (London, 1987); Peel, Reign of Sir Edward Carson, pp 111–12.

65 Carson to Lady Londonderry, 17 Apr. 1910 (P.R.O.N.I., Theresa, Lady Londonderry papers, D2846/1/1/47); Hyde, Carson, pp 244–5, 312; Phillips, G.D., The diehards: aristocratic society and politics in Edwardian England (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), pp 149–55; Green, E.H.H., ‘The strange death of Tory England’ in Twentieth-Century British History,ii, no. 1 (1991), p. 83.

66 Carson to Lady Londonderry, n.d., 17 Apr. 1910, 13 Jan., 27 Aug. 1911 (P.R.O.N.I., Theresa, Lady Londonderry papers, D2846/1/1/29, 47, 60, 68); Colvin, Carson, ii, 98–100; Barton, Brian, Brookeborough (Belfast, 1988), p. 8.

67The Times, 9 May 1913; Orr, Road to the Somme, pp 6–7.

68Murphy, Richard, ‘Faction in the Conservative Party and the home rule crisis, 1912–14’ in History,lxxi, no. 232 (June 1986), pp 222-34.

69Morning Post, 19 July 1913; The Times, 14 July 1913.

70 Hyde, Carson, pp 339, 365–6; Murphy, ‘Faction’, p. 231; Ramsden, John (ed.), Real old Tory politics: the political diaries of Robert Sandars, Lord Bayford, 1910–35 (London, 1984), p. 71; Shannon, Catherine, Arthur Balfour and Ireland (Washington, 1988), pp 187–9; Boyce, D. G. (ed.), The crisis of British Unionism: the domestic political papers of the second earl of Selborne (London, 1987), pp 170–72, 211–12; Jalland, Patricia, The Liberals and Ireland: the Ulster question in British politics to 1914 (Hassocks, 1980), p. 147; Kendle, John, Ireland and the federal solution: the debate over the United Kingdom constitution, 1870–1921 (Quebec, 1989), pp 170, 174–5, 178-9, 190-92, 216.

71 Stewart, Carson, pp 104–7; Turner, John, British politics and the Great War (London, 1992), pp. 6, 83, 117, 118, 129–32.

72Fair, John D., British interparty conferences: a study of the procedure of conciliation in British politics, 1867–1921 (Oxford, 1980); p. 204; Shannon, Balfour, p. 255; Hyde, Carson, pp 469, 472.

73 Turner, British politics, p. 113

74The Times, 23 July 1913; Bruce, God save Ulster, pp 199–200; Northern Whig, 28 Apr. 1914; Foy, ‘Ulster Volunteeer Force’, pp 79, 235.

75 Stewart, Carson, p. 92; Buckland, Patrick, James Craig (Dublin, 1980), pp 34–5.

76 Orr, Road to the Somme, pp 4–5, 31–3; Patterson, Henry, Class conflict and sectarianism (Belfast, 1980), p. 90; Jackson, Ulster party, pp 307–19; idem, ‘Unionist myths’, pp 179–183; Stewart, A.T.Q., The Ulster crisis (London, 1967), p. 91.

77Jackson, Alvin, Sir Edward Carson (Dublin, 1993), p. 37.

78 Crawford to Carson, 22 Jan. 1918 (P.R.O.N.I., Carson papers, D1507/A/26/13, 15); Buckland, Irish Unionism 2, p. 111; idem, Irish Unionism I, pp 121–2; Stewart, Carson, pp 115–16.

79Fanning, Ronan, ‘Britain, Ireland and the end of union’ in Blake, Lord (ed.), Ireland after the union (Oxford, 1989), pp 105–20; Stubbs, John O., ‘The Unionists and Ireland, 1914–1918’ in Hist. Jn.,xxxiii (1990), pp 867–93.

80 Patterson, Class conflict & sectarianism, pp 90, 112–17, 131–3; Buckland, Irish Unionism, p. 142.

81 Orr, Road to the Somme, p. 198.

82 Ramsden, Age of Balfour, p. 95; Buckland (ed.), Irish Unionism: a documentary history, pp 238, 403; Jackson, Carson, pp 35, 37, 38, 54, 57.

83 Shannon, Balfour, p. 201.

84 Foy, ‘Ulster Volunteer Force’, p. 56; Hugh Montgomery to W. B. Spender, 9 Apr. 1940 (P.R.O.N.I., Spender papers, D1295/24).

85 Orr, Road to the Somme, pp 11–12, 38-41, 53-4; Buckland (ed.), Irish Unionism: a documentary history, pp 428–4-1; idem, Irish Unionism 2, pp 125, 139; Patterson, Class conflict & sectarianism, pp 98–113.

86 Stewart, Carson, pp 108–12; Turner, British politics, p. 102. For a defence of Carson’s performance at the Admiralty see Jackson, Carson, pp 48–51.

87 Stewart, Carson, p. 113.

88 Boyce, Selborne, pp 154–6, 180, 187.

89 Ramsden (ed.), Real old Tory politics, pp 66–7.

90 Boyce, Selborne, pp 179–85; Stubbs, ‘Unionists and Ireland’, pp 879–84.

91 Hyde, Carson, pp 428–32.

93 Stubbs, ‘Unionists and Ireland’, p. 880.

94 Murphy, ‘Faction’, pp 222–34; Ramsden (ed.), Real old Tory politics, p. 50; Smith, Jeremy, ‘Bluff, bluster and brinkmanship: Andrew Bonar Law and the third Home Rule Bill’, Hist. Jn., xxxvi (1993), pp 161–78; Jackson, Carson, pp 31–3, 53.

95Rodner, W.S., ‘Leaguers, covenanters, moderates: British support for Ulster, 1913–14’ in Eire-Ireland, xvii, 3 (1982), p. 71.

96 Murphy, ‘Faction’, p. 234 n. 57.

97 Fanning, ‘Britain, Ireland and the end of union’, pp 114–19; Boyce, D.G., The Irish question in British politics, 1868–1986 (London, 1988), pp 53–71. On the importance of the American entry into the war see Ward, A.J., Ireland and Anglo-American relations, 1899–1921 (Toronto, 1969), chs 5–6; Carroll, F.M., American opinion and the Irish question, 1910–1923: a study in opinion and policy (Dublin, 1978); Hartley, Stephen, The Irish question as a problem in British foreign policy, 1914–18 (London, 1987); Stubbs, ‘Unionists and Ireland’, p. 878.

98 Hyde, Carson, pp 277–83.

100 Stewart, Carson, p. 127.

101Hansard 5 (Lords), xlviii, 38–53 (14 Dec. 1921); Colvin, Carson, iii, 410–15.

102 Carson to Lady Londonderry, n.d. (P.R.O.N.I., Theresa, Lady Londonderry papers, D2846/1/1/87).

103 Carson’s interview with Blanche Dugdale, 12 July 1928, cited in Hyde, Carson, pp 486–9.

104 Carson to Lady Londonderry, 31 Dec. 1915 (P.R.O.N.I., Theresa, Lady Londonderry papers, D2846/1/1/134).

105 Carson’s address to Orangemen, 12 July 1918, cited in Hyde, Carson, p. 432.

106 Ibid., pp 460–62; W. B. Spender, ‘Carson — the British statesman’, pt 1 in Unionist, Mar. 1954 (copy in P.R.O.N.I., Spender papers, D1295/24).

107 Ramsden, Age of Balfour, p. 132; Turner, British politics, p. 149–50.

108 Boyce, Selborne, p. 230; Shannon, Balfour, p. 228; Stewart, Carson, p. 123; Hyde, Carson, p. 460.

109 Beckett, ‘Carson — Unionist & rebel’, p. 167.

110 Nicholas Mansergh, The unresolved question: the Anglo-Irish settlement and its undoing, 1912–1972 (New Haven, 1991), pp 197–8.

111West, Trevor, Horace Plunkett: co-operation and politics (Gerrards Cross, 1986), pp 184-5.

112 Murphy, ‘Faction’, p. 231.

113 Hyde, Carson, pp 485–6, 494; Stewart, Carson, pp 119, 129–30; Buckland, Irish Unionism 1, pp 286–7; Jackson, Carson, p. 62.

114 Murphy, ‘Faction’, p. 226.

115Boyce, D.G., ‘Edward Carson (1854-1935) and Irish Unionism’ in Brady, Ciaran (ed.), Worsted in the game: losers in Irish history (Dublin, 1989), p. 147; Hyde, Carson, p. 340; Inglis, Brian, Roger Casement (London, 1973), p. 232.

116 Boyce, ‘Carson’, pp 148–9, 157; Spender, ‘Carson — the British statesman’, pt 1.

117 Shannon, Balfour, pp 257–81.

118 See Boyce, ‘Carson’, pp 155–6.

120 Hyde, Carson, p. 449.

122 Loughlin, ‘Constructing the political spectacle’, pp 221–41. These techniques were, of course, not mastered solely by fascists: see Jackson, Carson, p. 67 n. 2.

123 Buckland (ed.), Irish Unionism: a documentary history, p. 447; Jackson, ‘Unionist myths’, pp 167–9.

124 Stewart, Carson, p. 131; Hyde, Carson, p. 497.

125 Hyde, Carson, p. 497.

126 An earlier version of this paper was given to the British History seminar at St Peter’s College, Oxford, in 1991.1 am grateful to Ewen Green for his comments on that occasion, and also to Roy Foster, Alvin Jackson, Peter Collins and Joe Spence for their advice on a later draft.

Martin Luther King, Jr., original name Michael King, Jr., (born January 15, 1929, Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.—died April 4, 1968, Memphis, Tennessee), Baptist minister and social activist who led the civil rights movement in the United States from the mid-1950s until his death by assassination in 1968. His leadership was fundamental to that movement’s success in ending the legal segregation of African Americans in the South and other parts of the United States. King rose to national prominence as head of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, which promoted nonviolent tactics, such as the massive March on Washington (1963), to achieve civil rights. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964.

Early years

King came from a comfortable middle-class family steeped in the tradition of the Southern black ministry: both his father and maternal grandfather were Baptist preachers. His parents were college-educated, and King’s father had succeeded his father-in-law as pastor of the prestigious Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta. The family lived on Auburn Avenue, otherwise known as “Sweet Auburn,” the bustling “black Wall Street,” home to some of the country’s largest and most prosperous black businesses and black churches in the years before the civil rights movement. Young Martin received a solid education and grew up in a loving extended family.

This secure upbringing, however, did not prevent King from experiencing the prejudices then common in the South. He never forgot the time when, at about age six, one of his white playmates announced that his parents would no longer allow him to play with King, because the children were now attending segregated schools. Dearest to King in these early years was his maternal grandmother, whose death in 1941 left him shaken and unstable. Upset because he had learned of her fatal heart attack while attending a parade without his parents’ permission, the 12-year-old King attempted suicide by jumping from a second-story window.

In 1944, at age 15, King entered Morehouse College in Atlanta under a special wartime program intended to boost enrollment by admitting promising high-school students like King. Before beginning college, however, King spent the summer on a tobacco farm in Connecticut; it was his first extended stay away from home and his first substantial experience of race relations outside the segregated South. He was shocked by how peacefully the races mixed in the North. “Negroes and whites go [to] the same church,” he noted in a letter to his parents. “I never [thought] that a person of my race could eat anywhere.” This summer experience in the North only deepened King’s growing hatred of racial segregation.

At Morehouse, King favoured studies in medicine and law, but these were eclipsed in his senior year by a decision to enter the ministry, as his father had urged. King’s mentor at Morehouse was the college president, Benjamin Mays, a social gospel activist whose rich oratory and progressive ideas had left an indelible imprint on King’s father. Committed to fighting racial inequality, Mays accused the African Americancommunity of complacency in the face of oppression, and he prodded the black church into social action by criticizing its emphasis on the hereafter instead of the here and now; it was a call to service that was not lost on the teenage King. He graduated from Morehouse in 1948.

King spent the next three years at Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he became acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence as well as with the thought of contemporary Protestant theologians. He earned a bachelor of divinity degree in 1951. Renowned for his oratorical skills, King was elected president of Crozer’s student body, which was composed almost exclusively of white students. As a professor at Crozer wrote in a letter of recommendation for King, “The fact that with our student body largely Southern in constitution a colored man should be elected to and be popular [in] such a position is in itself no mean recommendation.” From Crozer, King went to Boston University, where, in seeking a firm foundation for his own theological and ethical inclinations, he studied man’s relationship to God and received a doctorate (1955) for a dissertation titled “A Comparison of the Conceptions of God in the Thinking of Paul Tillich and Henry Nelson Wieman.”

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